Beijing presents a clear and gathering threat to Washington—but not for the reasons you think. China's challenge to the West stems from its transformative brand of capitalism and an entirely different conception of the international community.Taking us on a whirlwind tour of China in the world—from dictators in Africa to oligarchs in Southeast Asia to South American strongBeijing presents a clear and gathering threat to Washington—but not for the reasons you think. China's challenge to the West stems from its transformative brand of capitalism and an entirely different conception of the international community.Taking us on a whirlwind tour of China in the world—from dictators in Africa to oligarchs in Southeast Asia to South American strongmen—Halper demonstrates that China's illiberal vision is rapidly replacing that of the so-called Washington Consensus. Instead of promoting democracy through economic aid, as does the West, China offers no-strings-attached gifts and loans, a policy designed to build a new Beijing Consensus.The autonomy China offers, together with the appeal of its illiberal capitalism, have become the dual engines for the diffusion of power away from the West. The Beijing Consensus is the one book to read to understand this new Great Game in all its complexity....
|Title||:||The Beijing Consensus: How China’s Authoritarian Model Will Dominate the Twenty-First Century|
|Number of Pages||:||312 Pages|
|Status||:||Available For Download|
|Last checked||:||21 Minutes ago!|
The Beijing Consensus: How China’s Authoritarian Model Will Dominate the Twenty-First Century Reviews
A common school of thought regarding China and its future is that it will either look at dominating the world militarily or that it literally will own the United States through its holding of U.S. debt and through other various acquisitions. Stefan Halper looks to debunk these trains of thought by making the case that while neither is the end goal of China, China is slowly expanding its global sphere of influence (and consequently weakening the "soft power" of the United States) which is an indirect function of the ruling elite seeking to maintain its own power within China. Halper effectively is able to break down this argument by laying the groundwork of the history of the United States' foreign policy and China's cultural foundation. Additionally, he discusses how many nations (rogue or otherwise) may see a benefit of working with China versus working with the U.S. as well as the inability of the United States' government to identify the variables that has given China an edge in the foreign relations game. Not all hope is lost, however. Halper provides some solutions that can be utilized for the United States to maintain its "lever" in the international diplomacy game. Ultimately, its not about buying the United States, its not about war, its about China's intense desire to maintain its domestic political status quo through the promotion of "authoritarian capitalism" to ensure internal stability.
Excellent, in-depth analysis of Beijing-Washington relations and China's strategy for the 21st century. A bit academic in it's wording at times (lots of ism's), but nevertheless a great read. Would recommend to anyone interested in international affairs, as the Beijing Consensus is one of the primary concepts shaping world power in the 21st century.
Stefan Halper’s work The Beijing Consensus offers a somewhat ominous world future and the US position in it. The title of his book, a play on the term “Washington Consensus” coined in the late 80s and early 90s refers to how the west, specifically the United States, represented by Washington is losing ground in the Third World community and how Beijing (China) is picking up the slack and gaining ground where America is failing. The problem he argues is that the Washington is looking at Beijing much like it used to look at Moscow during the Cold War. Halper’s argument is that America’s touting of western values and ideologies, democratic governments and capitalism has not boded well for those underdeveloped nations that it has coerced into accepting them in order to be on its “good side” and receive aid. Often the US sets a difficult standard of reforms and provisions that must be attempted or met before it is willing to delve out foreign aid and resources. Halper argues that this has actually done more harm than good to the nation-state’s that have employed such measures at the west’s forceful urgings. China however has given the Third World an example of economic and political might to emulate and learn from. With a liberal economy, among other things, China has shown the poor world how to develop effectively, efficiently and quickly, all without sacrificing its Communist values and state-controlled system of government. Furthermore, as it increasingly becomes a powerful presence on the world stage, more and more developing nations are abandoning the seemingly ineffective, outdated or difficult “western ways” of democracy and capitalism in favor of growth and stability that is on par with China. Assuming Realist Theory applies to this global situation, which states in part that a state’s main objective is survival and continuity in a rational manner it is no wonder why so many struggling states are jumping on China’s economic and political reforms bandwagon to partake of its explosive growth and success in the last few years. To look at it rationally, when faced with a struggling, uneducated, poverty-stricken population and seeking to alleviate such state suffering, which state, again acting rationally, would not do what appears to be working in China? Especially after similar measures mandated by the US have been met with stunted growth, slow success and a continued dependence on Washington? China knows from its own history that militarily it may not be a match for the western powers. Its other option then is to employ a “soft power” approach of bearing the economic, social and political standard of international relations and influence to achieve its ends of being a global super power and perhaps unseating the United States as the nation-state to mimic, support or learn from.
I wanted to read the Beijing consensus to see what it said about the role of China in Central Asia. The answer is that it depends. There is very little in the book that talks about the region. In fact there were only two or three mentions of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) at all - and these were really just in passing.The more complicated answer is that the overall thesis of the book is about the ways that Beijing is circumventing the west's ideal of linking liberal economies with liberal polities. The appeal of the China model is great for the autocratic rulers in the Central Asian states who face some similar issues as the Chinese. The primary motivator for these states is a need for stability. This is shared by all the states in the region. China and Russia are at the top of the list of states that have based their foreign policy on the stance that internal stability is the trump card.For leaders around the world that look at the aftermath and continuing problems of the Arab Spring and the Euromaiden revolution brewing in Ukraine, the ideal of stability is attractive. The adherence of these states to the Westphalian ideal of sovereignty is a key to understanding Russian foreign policy and its positions in the UN.This book is an important read for those that are interested in nuanced narratives of the way the world works. It is important for reminding academics and policy wonks alike that there is a competing market in the world for ideas, and that there are powerful states that are backing a different set of ideas and ideals.
6/10. Interesting perspective on the rising soft power of China, though not without problems. Lots of evidence, case studies, and clear thesis. However, in my opinion the viewpoint taken by the author is somewhat biased. Yes, China has been employing a variety of strategies to increase its international power (hard and soft), and sometimes Chinese interests don't exactly complement American interests. However, power is not a zero-sum game, and China's rise doesn't necessarily equate America's fall. China is not out to sabotage the U.S. Nevertheless, this book presents an interesting case.
The book discusses China's government-business model but fails to sufficiently address that it is not not unique. State-owned enterprise has existed in the Middle East (UAE), South America (Brazil) and Europe (Norway) for decades. The book lacks focus, skips across time periods without reason, and includes extraneous details. Ultimately, the book is not worth the read. As an alternative, I strongly recommend 'The End of Free Markets' by Ian Bremmer.
A relatively straightforward book which is reasonably objective (except in the basic assumption of why US/Western views should go unchallenged). The book is quick although repetitive in tone. Some of the details on China's influence on various policymakers globally are likely to be informative for most.
Succinctly argues that Western values are losing their currency in world politics as China rises and prioritizes national sovereignty over democracy, human rights, and free market economies. A well written wake up call for those who think the world is converging under a Western framework of values and institutions.